l演講稿模板（16篇范文）

l演講稿 模板1

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the ballot or the bullet

by malcolm _

april 3, 1964

cleveland, ohio

mr. moderator, brother loma_, brothers and sisters, friends and enemies: i just can"t believe everyone in here is a friend, and i don"t want to leave anybody out. the question tonight, as i understand it, is "the negro revolt, and where do we go from here?" or what ne_t?" in my little humble way of understanding it, it points toward either the ballot or the bullet.

before we try and e_plain what is meant by the ballot or the bullet, i would like to clarify something concerning myself. i"m still a muslim; my religion is still islam. that"s my personal belief. just as adam clayton powell is a christian minister who heads the abyssinian baptist church in new york, but at the same time takes part in the political struggles to try and bring about rights to the black people in this country; and dr. martin luther king is a christian minister down in atlanta, georgia, who heads another organization fighting for the civil rights of black people in this country; and reverend galamison, i guess you"ve heard of him, is another christian minister in new york who has been deeply involved in the school s to eliminate segregated education; well, i myself am a minister, not a christian minister, but a muslim minister; and i believe in action on all fronts by whatever means necessary.

although i"m still a muslim, i"m not here tonight to discuss my religion. i"m not here to try and change your religion. i"m not here to argue or discuss anything that we differ about, because it"s time for us to submerge our differences and realize that it is best for us to first see that we have the same problem, a common problem, a problem that will make you catch hell whether you"re a baptist, or a methodist, or a muslim, or a nationalist. whether you"re educated or illiterate, whether you live on the boulevard or in the alley, you"re going to catch hell just like i am. we"re all in the same boat and we all are going to catch the same hell from the same man. he just happens to be a white man. all of us have suffered here, in this country, political oppression at the hands of the white man, economic e_ploitation at the hands of the white man, and social degradation at the hands of the white man.

now in speaking like this, it doesn"t mean that we"re anti-white, but it does mean we"re anti-e_ploitation, we"re anti-degradation, we"re anti-oppression. and if the white man doesn"t want us to be anti-him, let him stop oppressing and e_ploiting and degrading us. whether we are christians or muslims or nationalists or agnostics or atheists, we must first learn to forget our differences. if we have differences, let us differ in the closet; when we come out in front, let us not have anything to argue about until we get finished arguing with the man. if the late president kennedy could get together with khrushchev and e_change some wheat, we certainly have more in common with each other than kennedy and khrushchev had with each other.

if we don"t do something real soon, i think you"ll have to agree that we"re going to be forced either to use the ballot or the bullet. it"s one or the other in 1964. it isn"t that time is running out -- time has run out!

1964 threatens to be the most e_plosive year america has ever witnessed. the most e_plosive year. why? it"s also a political year. it"s the year when all of the white politicians will be back in the so-called negro community jiving you and me for some votes. the year when all of the white political crooks will be right back in your and my community with their false promises, building up our hopes for a letdown, with their trickery and their treachery, with their false promises which they don"t intend to keep. as they nourish these dissatisfactions, it can only lead to one thing, an e_plosion; and now we have the type of black man on the scene in america today -- i"m sorry, brother loma_ -- who just doesn"t intend to turn the other cheek any longer.

don"t let anybody tell you anything about the odds are against you. if they draft you, they send you to korea and make you face 800 million chinese. if you can be brave over there, you can be brave right here. these odds aren"t as great as those odds. and if you fight here, you will at least know what you"re fighting for.

i"m not a politician, not even a student of politics; in fact, i"m not a student of much of anything. i"m not a democrat. i"m not a republican, and i don"t even consider myself an american. if you and i were americans, there"d be no problem. those honkies that just got off the boat, they"re already americans; polacks are already americans; the italian refugees are already americans. everything that came out of europe, every blue-eyed thing, is already an american. and as long as you and i have been over here, we aren"t americans yet.

well, i am one who doesn"t believe in deluding myself. i"m not going to sit at your table and watch you eat, with nothing on my plate, and call myself a diner. sitting at the table doesn"t make you a diner, unless you eat some of what"s on that plate. being here in america doesn"t make you an american. being born here in america doesn"t make you an american. why, if birth made you american, you wouldn"t need any legislation; you wouldn"t need any amendments to the constitution; you wouldn"t be faced with civil-rights filibustering in washington, d.c., right now. they don"t have to pass civil-rights legislation to make a polack an american.

no, i"m not an american. i"m one of the 22 million black people who are the victims of americanism. one of the 22 million black people who are the victims of democracy, nothing but disguised hypocrisy. so, i"m not standing here speaking to you as an american, or a patriot, or a flag-saluter, or a flag-waver -- no, not i. i"m speaking as a victim of this american system. and i see america through the eyes of the victim. i don"t see any american dream; i see an american nightmare.

these 22 million victims are waking up. their eyes are coming open. they"re beginning to see what they used to only look at. they"re becoming politically mature. they are realizing that there are new political trends from coast to coast. as they see these new political trends, it"s possible for them to see that every time there"s an election the races are so close that they have to have a recount. they had to recount in massachusetts to see who was going to be governor, it was so close. it was the same way in rhode island, in minnesota, and in many other parts of the country. and the same with kennedy and ni_on when they ran for president. it was so close they had to count all over again. well, what does this mean? it means that when white people are evenly divided, and black people have a bloc of votes of their own, it is left up to them to determine who"s going to sit in the white house and who"s going to be in the dog house.

lt. was the black man"s vote that put the present administration in washington, d.c. your vote, your dumb vote, your ignorant vote, your wasted vote put in an administration in washington, d.c., that has seen fit to pass every kind of legislation imaginable, saving you until last, then filibustering on top of that. and your and my leaders have the audacity to run around clapping their hands and talk about how much progress we"re making. and what a good president we have. if he wasn"t good in te_as, he sure can"t be good in washington, d.c. because te_as is a lynch state. it is in the same breath as mississippi, no different; only they lynch you in te_as with a te_as accent and lynch you in mississippi with a mississippi accent. and these negro leaders have the audacity to go and have some coffee in the white house with a te_an, a southern cracker -- that"s all he is -- and then come out and tell you and me that he"s going to be better for us because, since he"s from the south, he knows how to deal with the southerners. what kind of logic is that? let eastland be president, he"s from the south too. he should be better able to deal with them than johnson.

in this present administration they have in the house of representatives 257 democrats to only 177 republicans. they control two-thirds of the house vote. why can"t they pass something that will help you and me? in the senate, there are 67 senators who are of the democratic party. only 33 of them are republicans. why, the democrats have got the government sewed up, and you"re the one who sewed it up for them. and what have they given you for it? four years in office, and just now getting around to some civil-rights legislation. just now, after everything else is gone, out of the way, they"re going to sit down now and play with you all summer long -- the same old giant con game that they call filibuster. all those are in cahoots together. don"t you ever think they"re not in cahoots together, for the man that is heading the civil-rights filibuster is a man from georgia named richard russell. when johnson became president, the first man he asked for when he got back to washington, d.c., was "dicky" -- that"s how tight they are. that"s his boy, that"s his pal, that"s his buddy. but they"re playing that old con game. one of them makes believe he"s for you, and he"s got it fi_ed where the other one is so tight against you, he never has to keep his promise.

so it"s time in 1964 to wake up. and when you see them coming up with that kind of conspiracy, let them know your eyes are open. and let them know you -- something else that"s wide open too. it"s got to be the ballot or the bullet. the ballot or the bullet. if you"re afraid to use an e_pression like that, you should get on out of the country; you should get back in the cotton patch; you should get back in the alley. they get all the negro vote, and after they get it, the negro gets nothing in return. all they did when they got to washington was give a few big negroes big jobs. those big negroes didn"t need big jobs, they already had jobs. that"s camouflage, that"s trickery, that"s treachery, window-dressing. i"m not trying to knock out the democrats for the republicans. we"ll get to them in a minute. but it is true; you put the democrats first and the democrats put you last.

look at it the way it is. what alibis do they use, since they control congress and the senate? what alibi do they use when you and i ask, "well, when are you going to keep your promise?" they blame the di_iecrats. what is a di_iecrat? a democrat. a di_iecrat is nothing but a democrat in disguise. the titular head of the democrats is also the head of the di_iecrats, because the di_iecrats are a part of the democratic party. the democrats have never kicked the di_iecrats out of the party. the di_iecrats bolted themselves once, but the democrats didn"t put them out. imagine, these lowdown southern segregationists put the northern democrats down. but the northern democrats have never put the di_iecrats down. no, look at that thing the way it is. they have got a con game going on, a political con game, and you and i are in the middle. it"s time for you and me to wake up and start looking at it like it is, and trying to understand it like it is; and then we can deal with it like it is.

the di_iecrats in washington, d.c., control the key committees that run the government. the only reason the di_iecrats control these committees is because they have seniority. the only reason they have seniority is because they come from states where negroes can"t vote. this is not even a government that"s based on democracy. lt. is not a government that is made up of representatives of the people. half of the people in the south can"t even vote. eastland is not even supposed to be in washington. half of the senators and congressmen who occupy these key positions in washington, d.c., are there illegally, are there unconstitutionally.

i was in washington, d.c., a week ago thursday, when they were debating whether or not they should let the bill come onto the floor. and in the back of the room where the senate meets, there"s a huge map of the united states, and on that map it shows the location of negroes throughout the country. and it shows that the southern section of the country, the states that are most heavily concentrated with negroes, are the ones that have senators and congressmen standing up filibustering and doing all other kinds of trickery to keep the negro from being able to vote. this is pitiful. but it"s not pitiful for us any longer; it"s actually pitiful for the white man, because soon now, as the negro awakens a little more and sees the vise that he"s in, sees the bag that he"s in, sees the real game that he"s in, then the negro"s going to develop a new tactic.

these senators and congressmen actually violate the constitutional amendments that guarantee the people of that particular state or county the right to vote. and the constitution itself has within it the machinery to e_pel any representative from a state where the voting rights of the people are violated. you don"t even need new legislation. any person in congress right now, who is there from a state or a district where the voting rights of the people are violated, that particular person should be e_pelled from congress. and when you e_pel him, you"ve removed one of the obstacles in the path of any real meaningful legislation in this country. in fact, when you e_pel them, you don"t need new legislation, because they will be replaced by black representatives from counties and districts where the black man is in the majority, not in the minority.

if the black man in these southern states had his full voting rights, the key di_iecrats in washington, d. c., which means the key democrats in washington, d.c., would lose their seats. the democratic party itself would lose its power. it would cease to be powerful as a party. when you see the amount of power that would be lost by the democratic party if it were to lose the di_iecrat wing, or branch, or element, you can see where it"s against the interests of the democrats to give voting rights to negroes in states where the democrats have been in complete power and authority ever since the civil war. you just can"t belong to that party without analyzing it.

i say again, i"m not anti-democrat, i"m not anti-republican, i"m not anti-anything. i"m just questioning their sincerity, and some of the strategy that they"ve been using on our people by promising them promises that they don"t intend to keep. when you keep the democrats in power, you"re keeping the di_iecrats in power. i doubt that my good brother loma_ will deny that. a vote for a democrat is a vote for a di_iecrat. that"s why, in 1964, it"s time now for you and me to become more politically mature and realize what the ballot is for; what we"re supposed to get when we cast a ballot; and that if we don"t cast a ballot, it"s going to end up in a situation where we"re going to have to cast a bullet. it"s either a ballot or a bullet.

in the north, they do it a different way. they have a system that"s known as gerrymandering, whatever that means. it means when negroes become too heavily concentrated in a certain area, and begin to gain too much political power, the white man comes along and changes the district lines. you may say, "why do you keep saying white man?" because it"s the white man who does it. i haven"t ever seen any negro changing any lines. they don"t let him get near the line. it"s the white man who does this. and usually, it"s the white man who grins at you the most, and pats you on the back, and is supposed to be your friend. he may be friendly, but he"s not your friend.

so, what i"m trying to impress upon you, in essence, is this: you and i in america are faced not with a segregationist conspiracy, we"re faced with a government conspiracy. everyone who"s filibustering is a senator -- that"s the government. everyone who"s finagling in washington, d.c., is a congressman -- that"s the government. you don"t have anybody putting blocks in your path but people who are a part of the government. the same government that you go abroad to fight for and die for is the government that is in a conspiracy to deprive you of your voting rights, deprive you of your economic opportunities, deprive you of decent housing, deprive you of decent education. you don"t need to go to the employer alone, it is the government itself, the government of america, that is responsible for the oppression and e_ploitation and degradation of black people in this country. and you should drop it in their lap. this government has failed the negro. this so-called democracy has failed the negro. and all these white liberals have definitely failed the negro.

so, where do we go from here? first, we need some friends. we need some new allies. the entire civil-rights struggle needs a new interpretation, a broader interpretation. we need to look at this civil-rights thing from another angle -- from the inside as well as from the outside. to those of us whose philosophy is black nationalism, the only way you can get involved in the civil-rights struggle is give it a new interpretation. that old interpretation e_cluded us. it kept us out. so, we"re giving a new interpretation to the civil-rights struggle, an interpretation that will enable us to come into it, take part in it. and these handkerchief-heads who have been dillydallying and pussy footing and compromising -- we don"t intend to let them pussyfoot and dillydally and compromise any longer.

how can you thank a man for giving you what"s already yours? how then can you thank him for giving you only part of what"s already yours? you haven"t even made progress, if what"s being given to you, you should have had already. that"s not progress. and i love my brother loma_, the way he pointed out we"re right back where we were in 1954. we"re not even as far up as we were in 1954. we"re behind where we were in 1954. there"s more segregation now than there was in 1954. there"s more racial animosity, more racial hatred, more racial violence today in 1964, than there was in 1954. where is the progress?

and now you"re facing a situation where the young negro"s coming up. they don"t want to hear that "turn the-other-cheek" stuff, no. in jacksonville, those were teenagers, they were throwing molotov cocktails. negroes have never done that before. but it shows you there"s a new deal coming in. there"s new thinking coming in. there"s new strategy coming in. it"ll be molotov cocktails this month, hand grenades ne_t month, and something else ne_t month. it"ll be ballots, or it"ll be bullets. it"ll be liberty, or it will be death. the only difference about this kind of death -- it"ll be reciprocal. you know what is meant by "reciprocal"? that"s one of brother loma_"s words. i stole it from him. i don"t usually deal with those big words because i don"t usually deal with big people. i deal with small people. i find you can get a whole lot of small people and whip hell out of a whole lot of big people. they haven"t got anything to lose, and they"ve got every thing to gain. and they"ll let you know in a minute: "it takes two to tango; when i go, you go."

the black nationalists, those whose philosophy is black nationalism, in bringing about this new interpretation of the entire meaning of civil rights, look upon it as meaning, as brother loma_ has pointed out, equality of opportunity. well, we"re justified in seeking civil rights, if it means equality of opportunity, because all we"re doing there is trying to collect for our investment. our mothers and fathers invested sweat and blood. three hundred and ten years we worked in this country without a dime in return -- i mean without a dime in return. you let the white man walk around here talking about how rich this country is, but you never stop to think how it got rich so quick. it got rich because you made it rich.

you take the people who are in this audience right now. they"re poor. we"re all poor as individuals. our weekly salary individually amounts to hardly anything. but if you take the salary of everyone in here collectively, it"ll fill up a whole lot of baskets. it"s a lot of wealth. if you can collect the wages of just these people right here for a year, you"ll be rich -- richer than rich. when you look at it like that, think how rich uncle sam had to become, not with this handful, but millions of black people. your and my mother and father, who didn"t work an eight-hour shift, but worked from "can"t see" in the morning until "can"t see" at night, and worked for nothing, making the white man rich, making uncle sam rich. this is our investment. this is our contribution, our blood.

not only did we give of our free labor, we gave of our blood. every time he had a call to arms, we were the first ones in uniform. we died on every battlefield the white man had. we have made a greater sacrifice than anybody who"s standing up in america today. we have made a greater contribution and have collected less. civil rights, for those of us whose philosophy is black nationalism, means: "give it to us now. don"t wait for ne_t year. give it to us yesterday, and that"s not fast enough."

i might stop right here to point out one thing. whenever you"re going after something that belongs to you, anyone who"s depriving you of the right to have it is a criminal. understand that. whenever you are going after something that is yours, you are within your legal rights to lay claim to it. and anyone who puts forth any effort to deprive you of that which is yours, is breaking the law, is a criminal. and this was pointed out by the supreme court decision. it outlawed segregation.

which means segregation is against the law. which means a segregationist is breaking the law. a segregationist is a criminal. you can"t label him as anything other than that. and when you demonstrate against segregation, the law is on your side. the supreme court is on your side.

now, who is it that opposes you in carrying out the law? the police department itself. with police dogs and clubs. whenever you demonstrate against segregation, whether it is segregated education, segregated housing, or anything else, the law is on your side, and anyone who stands in the way is not the law any longer. they are breaking the law; they are not representatives of the law. any time you demonstrate against segregation and a man has the audacity to put a police dog on you, kill that dog, kill him, i"m telling you, kill that dog. i say it, if they put me in jail tomorrow, kill that dog. then you"ll put a stop to it. now, if these white people in here don"t want to see that kind of action, get down and tell the mayor to tell the police department to pull the dogs in. that"s all you have to do. if you don"t do it, someone else will.

if you don"t take this kind of stand, your little children will grow up and look at you and think "shame." if you don"t take an uncompromising stand, i don"t mean go out and get violent; but at the same time you should never be nonviolent unless you run into some nonviolence. i"m nonviolent with those who are nonviolent with me. but when you drop that violence on me, then you"ve made me go insane, and i"m not responsible for what i do. and that"s the way every negro should get. any time you know you"re within the law, within your legal rights, within your moral rights, in accord with justice, then die for what you believe in. but don"t die alone. let your dying be reciprocal. this is what is meant by equality. what"s good for the goose is good for the gander.

when we begin to get in this area, we need new friends, we need new allies. we need to e_pand the civil-rights struggle to a higher level -- to the level of human rights. whenever you are in a civil-rights struggle, whether you know it or not, you are confining yourself to the jurisdiction of uncle sam. no one from the outside world can speak out in your behalf as long as your struggle is a civil-rights struggle. civil rights comes within the domestic affairs of this country. all of our african brothers and our asian brothers and our latin-american brothers cannot open their mouths and interfere in the domestic affairs of the united states. and as long as it"s civil rights, this comes under the jurisdiction of uncle sam.

but the united nations has what"s known as the charter of human rights; it has a committee that deals in human rights. you may wonder why all of the atrocities that have been committed in africa and in hungary and in asia, and in latin america are brought before the un, and the negro problem is never brought before the un. this is part of the conspiracy. this old, tricky blue eyed liberal who is supposed to be your and my friend, supposed to be in our corner, supposed to be subsidizing our struggle, and supposed to be acting in the capacity of an adviser, never tells you anything about human rights. they keep you wrapped up in civil rights. and you spend so much time barking up the civil-rights tree, you don"t even know there"s a human-rights tree on the same floor.

when you e_pand the civil-rights struggle to the level of human rights, you can then take the case of the black man in this country before the nations in the un. you can take it before the general assembly. you can take uncle sam before a world court. but the only level you can do it on is the level of human rights. civil rights keeps you under his restrictions, under his jurisdiction. civil rights keeps you in his pocket. civil rights means you"re asking uncle sam to treat you right. human rights are something you were born with. human rights are your god-given rights. human rights are the rights that are recognized by all nations of this earth. and any time any one violates your human rights, you can take them to the world court.

uncle sam"s hands are dripping with blood, dripping with the blood of the black man in this country. he"s the earth"s number-one hypocrite. he has the audacity -- yes, he has -- imagine him posing as the leader of the free world. the free world! and you over here singing "we shall overcome." e_pand the civil-rights struggle to the level of human rights. take it into the united nations, where our african brothers can throw their weight on our side, where our asian brothers can throw their weight on our side, where our latin-american brothers can throw their weight on our side, and where 800 million chinamen are sitting there waiting to throw their weight on our side.

let the world know how bloody his hands are. let the world know the hypocrisy that"s practiced over here. let it be the ballot or the bullet. let him know that it must be the ballot or the bullet.

l演講稿 模板2

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my beloved teacher演講稿

sara, who comes from canada, is our oral english teacher. she is loved and respected by many students. what influences me most is that she is warm-hearted, generous and easy-going. she always stays optimistic and tries hard to understand every of her student. besides, she often tells us some interesting stories and jokes in class, so as to make a happy atmosphere for us to study english. she loves teaching so much and has the eagerness to devote her life to education. because of her outstanding achievements, she had won lots of rewards, one of which is "model teacher" prize.

薩拉是我們的英語口語老師,她來自加拿大。很多學(xué)生都很尊敬和喜愛她。她給我的最深刻的影響是她的熱情、慷慨又隨和的"性格。薩拉總是很樂觀,不斷地努力了解每一個學(xué)生。她還會在課上給我講有趣的故事和笑話,所以她教的英語課都很輕松有趣。她喜愛教學(xué)工作,渴望一生都獻(xiàn)身教育事業(yè)。因為她的優(yōu)秀表現(xiàn),她獲得了許多獎項,其中有模范教師獎。

l演講稿 模板3

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the college競職演講

how can i ever forget the beautiful campus in africa？

the grounds were covered with dark green grass through which stretched a straight white stone path. on both sides of the path were planted what i believed to be poinsettias. now the flowers were surrounded by pinkish leaves instead of bright red ones as they should have been. trimmed with light green edges，the leaves looked delicate and charming. along the long path i often took a stroll which world take me to a wide terrace，where i could watch the enchanting glow of sunset，and occasionally catch the sight of a train puffing and hooting on its way southward. on my way back i would pass by the laboratory and library building whose large french windows had soft curtains let fall to the floor. just outside the windows kapod flowers glowed red in full bloom. a short way off stood the dining hall，where i found a tree bearing snow-white blossoms so graceful and soft to the touch. viewed together from the distance，they were as beautiful as a bridal veil. later i learned that it was a tree called datura which i had so often read about in books.

in the centre of the campus was a newly-built fan-shaped fountain. a number of chinese taihu rocks were arranged in it with a touch of artistry. and there was a story behind it.

in the courtyard of the hose where chinese teachers were living，there was also a similar but much smaller fountain looking like potted landscape. it was built by the chinese teachers who had come earlier in their spare time. they had graced it with water plants and goldfish. perhaps out of a yearning for their homeland，they had even engraved on a taihu rock four chinese characters："er quan ying yue"meaning"two springs reflecting the moonlight."these characters were painted red and written in an ancient calligraphic style. the homesick chinese teachers seemed to feel that at the sight of these characters，they could by a flight of the imagination bring to their presence a native moon smilingly beaming over west lake.

one day the president of the college came to visit the chinese teachers. delighted by the beauty of their fountain he asked them to design another one for the college. thus in the centre of the campus，in a field of green grass and colorful flowers appeared a new chinese fountain spurting out water drops glistening in the sunlight.

l演講稿 模板4

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one world , one dream .簡簡單單的四個詞卻始終牽動著一個古老的東方文明古國——中國之魂。

2024．奧林匹克精神，即將在這里盛放！

幾十年，風(fēng)云變幻，斗轉(zhuǎn)星移，一個民族，一個國家，一個世界，一個夢想，在這里，不會變。這個夢，像一個種子，它有根，伸展在中華九百六十萬平方公里的土地里。這個夢，像一只鳳凰，它有絢麗的翅膀，飛翔在華夏十三億兒女的眸子里。這個夢，像一條蛟龍，它有一種精神，奔騰在湍流不息的江海里。這種精神，一種能鼓舞人奮發(fā)進(jìn)取的精神；這種精神，中國奧運(yùn)精神，正是順應(yīng)時代潮流，應(yīng)運(yùn)而生。它是以往精神瑰寶的繼承和發(fā)揚(yáng)，是中華民族的寶藏，是對中華五千年文化的提煉。

中國奧運(yùn)精神內(nèi)涵豐富，首先它是最深厚，最基本的愛國主義精神。1932年，在愛國將領(lǐng)張學(xué)良的資助下，劉長春只身漂泊海上21天，到達(dá)洛杉機(jī)。在男子一百米預(yù)賽中，一路領(lǐng)先，然而疲憊不堪的劉長春，還是被遺憾淘汰，1936年柏林奧運(yùn)會，進(jìn)入撐桿跳決賽的中國運(yùn)動員竟買不起比賽用桿，1948年，倫敦奧運(yùn)會中國代表團(tuán)是參賽團(tuán)中唯一住不起奧運(yùn)村的。這不堪回首的一頁，早已被我們翻過。在1979年，中國恢復(fù)了在國際奧委會上的合法席位。1984年7月29日，許海峰的一聲槍響實現(xiàn)了中國奧運(yùn)金牌史上零的突破。正是在這樣的歷史大背景下，人民的愛國之情，強(qiáng)國之夢與體育精神密不可分的結(jié)合在一起。終于2024年奧林匹克盛會選擇了北京，選擇了中國。這也是對深愛著祖國的華夏兒女最崇高的獎賞。

中國奧運(yùn)精神更是頑強(qiáng)，拼搏，永不言敗的精神。不能忘記，上個世紀(jì)80年代，女排精神帶給人們的巨大鼓舞，怎能忘記雅典奧運(yùn)金牌榜上，中國代表團(tuán)擠身前三甲。五星紅旗一次又一次升起，國歌聲一遍又一遍奏響。同樣不曾忘記的是八年前的蒙特卡羅，兩千年奧運(yùn)會主辦城的投票現(xiàn)場的一幕：投票前，由12名與我年齡相近的女孩代表北京演唱了《茉莉花》；那歌聲很美，很動人。然而，我永遠(yuǎn)難忘的確是在北京落選時，她們放聲大哭的情景。那一次，北京輸了。但，我們從不曾放棄。正如奧林匹克精神所號召的那樣"the most important thing is not to win, but to take part; just as the most important thing in our life is not principle, but struggle。

這就奧運(yùn)精神，也正是我們世世代代炎黃子孫的魂！

2024，讓我們共同期盼，讓我們追尋，讓我們一起為之奮斗！

2024，讓我們乘著科技，人文的祥云，點燃心中之火，閃耀一段歷史。

2024, 讓我們付出，讓我們分享，讓我們所有的朋友，我們一起，將世界凝成一朵璀璨的花。

2024, one world one dream！朋友們，讓我們攜起手來吧！伴著這華彩的樂章，共同高歌一曲——《new beijing，great olympics》！

頭一次參加演講比賽，陌生、緊張也伴著激動，感覺有挑戰(zhàn)性，我喜歡。

這關(guān)于奧運(yùn)的演講稿，也許更多的人會用到吧？拿來和大家一起分享~不要版權(quán)，哈哈~~不用謝哦！

l演講稿 模板5

閱讀小貼士：模板5共計1060個字，預(yù)計閱讀時長3分鐘。朗讀需要6分鐘，中速朗讀8分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場合朗讀需要10分鐘，有249位用戶喜歡。

敬愛的老師，親愛的同學(xué)們：

大家好！今天我們演講的題目是《責(zé)任伴隨我們的人生》。

dear teachers and fellow students. good morning! today the topic of our speech is : responsibilities in our life.

明朝名醫(yī)李時珍，三十八歲就已享譽(yù)盛名。但他卻毅然離開王府，辭別太醫(yī)院，在風(fēng)雨嚴(yán)寒中跋山涉水，采集草藥。終于在晚年寫出《本草綱目》。因為他明白——他的責(zé)任是懸壺濟(jì)世！

li shizhen, a doctor in the ming dynasty, had already enjoyed a good reputation at the age of 38. but he resolutely left the palace and resigned from the imperial hospital. then he travelled the lands and lakes to collect herbs and wasn"t afraid of the cold, wind, or storm. he finally wrote the compendium of materia medica in his latter years. he understood that it was his responsibility to cure the sick!

在我們周圍，經(jīng)?？吹竭@樣的景象：值日生總會留在班級，把燈、門窗關(guān)好才走；班長總是盡職盡責(zé)的為班級的大小事情服務(wù)；課代表們認(rèn)真的收發(fā)各科作業(yè)，不辭辛苦的將一垛垛高高的作業(yè)從樓上搬到樓下；班主任細(xì)致的管理班級事務(wù)，關(guān)注著每一個學(xué)生。他們的行為表達(dá)方式不一樣，但都可以用同一個詞來描述，那就是：承擔(dān)責(zé)任。

around here, such is a common sight: students always stay in class; the lights, doors and windows are closed before they leave; the class leader always serves the class with due diligence. class representatives diligently send and receive each group"s work；they take pains to move a tall stack of paper up and down the stairs; the homeroom teacher carefully manages class affairs, paying close attention to each student silently. they behave in different ways, but they can all be described with the same words: carrying one"s own responsibility.

想想我們的生活中，無時無刻不充滿了責(zé)任。不同的角色也有著不同的責(zé)任。當(dāng)你做為一名學(xué)生，勤奮學(xué)習(xí)便是責(zé)任；作為子女，孝敬父母便是責(zé)任；作為朋友，相互關(guān)心，便是責(zé)任……同時，我相信，責(zé)任它也決不是一個掛在嘴邊的空泛的口號而已。在我眼中，責(zé)任不應(yīng)該是一種客觀要求的行為，而更應(yīng)是一種自主的，發(fā)自內(nèi)心的行為和做法。當(dāng)你把承擔(dān)責(zé)任當(dāng)做一種興趣，一種自覺性，自發(fā)性行為時，我相信，這時的你已經(jīng)離成功不遠(yuǎn)了。

think of back through our lives, it was full of responsibilities. different roles have different responsibilities. when you are a student, it is your duty to study hard. as children, it is one"s duty to honor one"s parents. as friends, mutual concern is one"s responsibility. at the same time, i believe that responsibility is by no means empty words. in my eyes, responsibility should not be an mindfully required, but more so be autonomous, natural behavior, with practice. when you take responsibility as an goal, as an eventual of unconscious, natural behavior, i believe that you are not far from success.

我們的演講完畢，謝謝大家。

thank you for your time.

l演講稿 模板6

閱讀小貼士：模板6共計7881個字，預(yù)計閱讀時長20分鐘。朗讀需要40分鐘，中速朗讀53分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場合朗讀需要72分鐘，有109位用戶喜歡。

mario cuomo: "a tale of two cities"

on behalf of theempirestateand the family ofnew york, i thank you for the great privilege of being able to address this convention. please allow me to skip the stories and the poetry and the temptation to deal in nice but vague rhetoric. let me instead use this valuable opportunity to deal immediately with questions that should determine this election and that we all know are vital to the american people.

ten days ago, president reagan admitted that although some people in this country seemed to be doing well nowadays, others were unhappy, even worried, about themselves, their families and their futures. the president said that he didn"t understand that fear. he said, "why, this country is a shining city on a hill." and the president is right. in many ways we are a shining city on a hill.

but the hard truth is that not everyone is sharing in this city"s splendor and glory. a shining city is perhaps all the president sees from the portico of the white house and the veranda of his ranch, where everyone seems to be doing well. but there"s another city; there"s another part to the shining the city; the part where some people can"t pay their mortgages, and most young people can"t afford one, where students can"t afford the education they need, and middle-class parents watch the dreams they hold for their children evaporate.

in this part of the city there are more poor than ever, more families in trouble, more and more people who need help but can"t find it. even worse: there are elderly people who tremble in the basements of the houses there. and there are people who sleep in the city streets, in the gutter, where the glitter doesn"t show. there are ghettos where thousands of young people, without a job or an education, give their lives away to drug dealers every day. there is despair, mr. president, in the faces that you don"t see, in the places that you don"t visit in your shining city.

in fact, mr. president, this is a nation --. mr. president you ought to know that this nation is more a "tale of two cities" than it is just a "shiningcityon a hill."

maybe, maybe, mr. president, if you visited some more places. maybe if you went to appalachia where some people still live in sheds, maybe if you went tolackawannawhere thousands of unemployed steel workers wonder why we subsidized foreign steel. maybe, maybe, mr. president, if you stopped in at a shelter in chicago and spoke to the homeless there; maybe, mr. president, if you asked a woman who had been denied the help she needed to feed her children because you said you needed the money for a ta_ break for a millionaire or for a missile we couldn"t afford to use.

maybe, maybe, mr. president. but i"m afraid not.

because, the truth is, ladies and gentlemen, that this is how we were warned it would be. president reagan told us from very the beginning that he believed in a kind of social darwinism. survival of the fittest. "government can"t do everything," we were told. "so it should settle for taking care of the strong and hope that economic ambition and charity will do the rest. make the rich richer -- and what falls from their table will be enough for the middle class and those who are trying desperately to work their way into the middle class."

you know, the republicans called it trickle-down when hoover tried it. now they call it supply side. but it"s the same shining city for those relative few who are lucky enough to live in its good neighborhoods. but for the people who are e_cluded -- for the people who are locked out -- all they can do is to stare from a distance at that city"s glimmering towers.

it"s an old story. it"s as old as our history. the difference between democrats and republicans has always been measured in courage and confidence. the republicans believe that the wagon train will not make it to the frontier unless some of the old, some of the young, some of the weak are left behind by the side of the trail. the strong, the strong they tell us will inherit the land.

we democrats believe in something else. we democrats believe that we can make it all the way with the whole family intact. and, we have more than once. ever since franklin roosevelt lifted himself from his wheelchair to lift this nation from its knees -- wagon train after wagon train -- to new frontiers of education, housing, peace; the whole family aboard, constantly reaching out to e_tend and enlarge that family; lifting them up into the wagon on the way; blacks and hispanics, and people of every ethnic group, and native americans -- all those struggling to build their families and claim some small share of america.

for nearly 50 years we carried them all to new levels of comfort, and security, and dignity, even affluence. and remember this, some of us in this room today are here only because this nation had that kind of confidence. and it would be wrong to forget that.

so, here we are at this convention to remind ourselves where we come from and to claim the future for ourselves and for our children. today our great democratic party, which has saved this nation from depression, from fascism, from racism, from corruption, is called upon to do it again -- this time to save the nation from confusion and division, from the threat of eventual fiscal disaster, and most of all from the fear of a nuclear holocaust.

that"s not going to be easy. mo udall is e_actly right, it"s not going to be easy. in order to succeed, we must answer our opponent"s polished and appealing rhetoric with a more telling reasonableness and rationality.

we must win this case on the merits. we must get the american public to look past the glitter, beyond the showmanship - to reality, to the hard substance of things. and we will do that not so much with speeches that sound good as with speeches that are good and sound. not so much with speeches that will bring people to their feet as with speeches that bring people to their senses. we must make the american people hear our "tale of two cities." we must convince them that we don"t have to settle for two cities, that we can have one city, indivisible, shining for all of its people.

now we will have no chance to do that if what comes out of this convention is a babel of arguing voices. if that"s what"s heard throughout the campaign - dissident voices from all sides - we will have no chance to tell our message. to succeed we will have to surrender small parts of our individual interests, to build a platform we can all stand on, at once, comfortably - proudly singing out the truth for the nation to hear, in chorus, its logic so clear and commanding that no slick commercial, no amount of geniality, no martial music will be able to muffle the sound of the truth. we democrats must unite.

we democrats must unite so that the entire nation can unite because surely the republicans won"t bring this country together. their policies divide the nation - into the lucky and the left-out, into the royalty and the rabble. the republicans are willing to treat that division as victory. they would cut this nation in half, into those temporarily better off and those worse off than before, and they would call that division recovery.

we should not, we should not be embarrassed or dismayed or chagrined if the process of unifying is difficult, even wrenching at times. remember that, unlike any other party, we embrace men and women of every color, every creed, every orientation, every economic class. in our family are gathered everyone from the abject poor of esse_ county in new york, to the enlightened affluent of the gold coasts at both ends of the nation. and in between is the heart of our constituency. the middle class -- the people not rich enough to be worry-free, but not poor enough to be on welfare. the middle class, those people who work for a living because they have to, not because some psychiatrist told them it was a convenient way to fill the interval between birth and eternity. white collar and blue collar. young professionals. men and women in small business desperate for the capital and contracts that they need to prove their worth.

we speak for the minorities who have not yet entered the mainstream. we speak for ethnics who want to add their culture to the magnificent mosaic that is america. we speak, we speak for women who are indignant that this nation refuses to etch into its governmental commandments the simple rule "thou shalt not sin against equality," a rule so simple -- i was going to say, and i perhaps dare not but i will, it"s a commandment so simple it can be spelled in three letters -- e.r.a.!

we speak for young people demanding an education and a future. we speak for senior citizens who are terrorized by the idea that their only security - their social security - is being threatened. we speak for millions of reasoning people fighting to preserve our environment from greed and from stupidity. and we speak for reasonable people who are fighting to preserve our very e_istence from a macho intransigence that refuses to make intelligent attempts to discuss the possibility of nuclear holocaust with our enemy. they refuse. they refuse, because they believe we can pile missiles so high that they will pierce the clouds and the sight of them will frighten our enemies into submission.

now we"re proud of this diversity as democrats. we"re grateful for it. we don"t have to manufacture it the way the republicans will ne_t month in dallas, by propping up mannequin delegates on the convention floor. but while we"re proud of this diversity as democrats, we pay a price for it. the different people that we represent have different points of view. and sometimes they compete and even debate, and even argue. that"s what our primaries were all about. but now the primaries are over and it is time when we pick our candidates and our platform here to lock arms and move into this campaign together. if you need any more inspiration to put some small part of your own differences aside to create this consensus, all you need to do is to reflect on what the republican policy of divide and cajole has done to this land since 1980.

now the president has asked us to judge him on whether or not he"s fulfilled the promise he made four years ago. i believe that as democrats, we ought to accept that challenge. and, just for a moment let us consider what he has said and what he"s done. inflation is down since 1980. but not because of the supply- side miracle promised to us by the president. inflation was reduced the old-fashioned way, with a recession, the worst since 1932. we could have brought inflation down that way. how did he do it? fifty-five thousand bankruptcies. two years of massive unemployment. two hundred thousand farmers and ranchers forced off the land. more homeless than at any time since the great depression in 1932. more hungry, in this nation of enormous affluence, the united states of america, more hungry. more poor - most of them women - and he paid one more thing, a nearly $200 billion deficit threatening our future.

now we must make the american people understand this deficit because they don"t. the president"s deficit is a direct and dramatic repudiation of his promise to balance our budget by 1983. how large is it? the deficit is the largest in the history of this universe; president carter"s last budget had a deficit of less than one-third of this deficit. it is a deficit that, according to the president"s own fiscal adviser, may grow as high as $300 billion a year for "as far as the eye can see."

and, ladies and gentlemen, it is a debt so large that as much as one-half of our revenue from the income ta_ goes just to pay the interest. it is a mortgage on our children"s future that can be paid only in pain and that could bring this nation to its knees.

now don"t take my word for it - i"m a democrat.

ask the republican investment bankers on wall street what they think the chances of this recovery being permanent are. you see, if they"re not too embarrassed to tell you the truth, they"ll say that they are appalled and frightened by the president"s deficit. ask them what they think of our economy, now that it has been driven by the distorted value of the dollar back to its colonial condition - now we"re e_porting agricultural products and importing manufactured ones. ask those republican investment bankers what they e_pect the rate of interest to be a year from now. and ask them, if they dare tell you the truth you will hear from them, what they predict for the inflation rate a year from now, because of the deficit.

now, how important is this question of the deficit.

think about it practically: what chance would the republican candidate have had in 1980 if he had told the american people that he intended to pay for his so-called economic recovery with bankruptcies, unemployment, more homeless, more hungry and the largest government debt known to humankind? would american voters have signed the loan certificate for him on election day? of course not! that was an election won under false pretenses. it was won with smoke and mirrors and illusions. and that"s the kind of recovery we have now as well.

and what about foreign policy? they said that they would make us and the whole world safer. they say they have. by creating the largest defense budget in history, one that even they now admit is e_cessive. by escalating to a frenzy the nuclear arms race. by incendiary rhetoric. by refusing to discuss peace with our enemies. by the loss of 279 young americans in lebanon in pursuit of a plan and a policy that no one can find or describe.

we give money to latin american governments that murder nuns, and then we lie about it. we have been less than zealous in support of our only real friend, it seems to me, we have in the middle east, the one democracy there, our flesh and blood ally, the state of israel. our foreign policy drifts with no real direction, other than an hysterical commitment to an arms race that leads nowhere - if we"re lucky. and if we"re not, it could lead us into bankruptcy or war.

of course we must have a strong defense!

of course democrats are for a strong defense. of course democrats believe that there are times when we must stand and fight. and we have. thousands of us have paid for freedom with our lives. but always - when this country has been at its best - our purposes were clear. now they"re not. now our allies are as confused as our enemies. now we have no real commitment to our friends or to our ideals - not to human rights, not to the refuseniks, not to sakharov, not to bishop tutu and the others struggling for freedom in south africa.

we have in the last few years spent more than we can afford. we have pounded our chests and made bold speeches. but we lost 279 young americans in lebanon and we live behind sand bags in washington. how can anyone say that we are stronger, safer, or better?

that is the republican record.

that its disastrous quality is not more fully understood by the american people i can only attribute to the president"s amiability and the failure by some to separate the salesman from the product.

and, now it"s up to us. now it"s now up to you and me to make the case to america. and to remind americans that if they are not happy with all the president has done so far, they should consider how much worse it will be if he is left to his radical proclivities for another four years unrestrained. unrestrained.

if july brings back ann gorsuch burford - what can we e_pect of december? where would another four years take us? where would four years more take us? how much larger will the deficit be? how much deeper the cuts in programs for the struggling middle class and the poor to limit that deficit? how high will the interest rates be? how much more acid rain killing our forests and fouling our lakes? and, ladies and gentlemen, the nation must think of this: what kind of supreme court will we have? we must ask ourselves what kind of court and country will be fashioned by the man who believes in having government mandate people"s religion and morality?

the man who believes that trees pollute the environment, the man that believes that the laws against discrimination against people go too far. the man who threatens social security and medicaid and help for the disabled. how high will we pile the missiles? how much deeper will the gulf be between us and our enemies? and, ladies and gentlemen, will four years more make meaner the spirit of the american people?

this election will measure the record of the past four years. but more than that, it will answer the question of what kind of people we want to be.

we democrats still have a dream. we still believe in this nation"s future. and this is our answer to the question, this is our credo:

we believe in only the government we need but we insist on all the government we need. we believe in a government that is characterized by fairness and reasonableness, a reasonableness that goes beyond labels, that doesn"t distort or promise things that we know we can"t do.we believe in a government strong enough to use the words "love" and "compassion" and smart enough to convert our noblest aspirations into practical realities. we believe in encouraging the talented, but we believe that while survival of the fittest may be a good working description of the process of evolution, a government of humans should elevate itself to a higher order.

our government should be able to rise to the level to where it can fill the gaps left by chance or a wisdom we don"t fully understand. we would rather have laws written by the patron of this great city, the man called the "world"s most sincere democrat" - st. francis of assisi - than laws written by darwin.

we believe, we believe as democrats, that a society as blessed as ours, the most affluent democracy in the world"s history, one that can spend trillions on instruments of destruction, ought to be able to help the middle class in its struggle, ought to be able to find work for all who can do it, room at the table, shelter for the homeless, care for the elderly and infirm, and hope for the destitute. and we proclaim as loudly as we can the utter insanity of nuclear proliferation and the need for a nuclear freeze, if only to affirm the simple truth that peace is better than war because life is better than death.

we believe in firm but fair law and order. we believe proudly in the union movement. we believe in privacy for people, openness by government, we believe in civil rights, and we believe in human rights. we believe in a single fundamental idea that describes better than most te_tbooks and any speech that i could write what a proper government should be. the idea of family. mutuality. the sharing of benefits and burdens for the good of all. feeling one another"s pain. sharing one another"s blessings. reasonably, honestly, fairly - without respect to race, or se_, or geography or political affiliation.

we believe we must be the family of america, recognizing that at the heart of the matter we are bound one to another, that the problems of a retired school teacher in duluth are our problems. that the future of the child in buffalo is our future. that the struggle of a disabled man in boston to survive, and live decently, is our struggle. that the hunger of a woman in little rock is our hunger. that the failure anywhere to provide what reasonably we might, to avoid pain, is our failure.

now for 50 years, for 50 years we democrats created a better future for our children, using traditional democratic principles as a fi_ed beacon, giving us direction and purpose, but constantly innovating, adapting to new realities: roosevelt"s alphabet programs; truman"s nato and the gi bill of rights; kennedy"s intelligent ta_ incentives and the alliance for progress; johnson"s civil rights; carter"s human rights and the nearly miraculous camp david peace accord.

democrats did it, democrats did it - and democrats can do it again. we can build a future that deals with our deficit. remember this, that 50 years of progress under our principles never cost us what the last four years of stagnation have. and, we can deal with the deficit intelligently, by shared sacrifice, with all parts of the nation"s family contributing, building partnerships with the private sector, providing a sound defense without depriving ourselves of what we need to feed our children and care for our people.

we can have a future that provides for all the young of the present, by marrying common sense and compassion. we know we can, because we did it for nearly 50 years before 1980.

and we can do it again. if we do not forget. if we do not forget that this entire nation has profited by these progressive principles. that they helped lift up generations to the middle class and higher: gave us a chance to work, to go to college, to raise a family, to own a house, to be secure in our old age and, before that, to reach heights that our own parents would not have dared dream of.

that struggle to live with dignity is the real story of the shining city. and it"s a story, ladies and gentlemen, that i didn"t read in a book, or learn in a classroom. i saw it, and lived it. like many of you. i watched a small man with thick calluses on both hands work 15 and 16 hours a day. i saw him once literally bleed from the bottoms of his feet, a man who came here uneducated, alone, unable to speak the language, who taught me all i needed to know about faith and hard work by the simple eloquence of his e_ample. i learned about our kind of democracy from my father. and, i learned about our obligation to each other from him and from my mother. they asked only for a chance to work and to make the world better for their children and they asked to be protected in those moments when they would not be able to protect themselves. this nation and this nation"s government did that for them.

and that they were able to build a family and live in dignity and see one of their children go from behind their little grocery store in south jamaica on the other side of the tracks where he was born, to occupy the highest seat in the greatest state of the greatest nation in the only world we know, is an ineffably beautiful tribute to the democratic process.

and, ladies and gentlemen, on january 20, 1985, it will happen again. only on a much, much grander scale. we will have a new president of the united states, a democrat born not to the blood of kings but to the blood of pioneers and immigrants. and we will have america"s first woman vice president, the child of immigrants, and she, she, she will open with one magnificent stroke, a whole new frontier for the united states. now, it will happen.

it will happen - if we make it happen; if you and i can make it happen.

and i ask you now - ladies and gentlemen, brothers and sisters - for the good of all of us - for the love of this great nation, for the family of america - for the love of god. please, make this nation remember how futures are built.

thank you and god bless you.

l演講稿 模板7

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i. introduction

for several years now the european union is discussing a possible enlargement, because several european countries have applied for membership in the eu. these are especially the former socialist countries in eastern europe, that have clearly turned towards the west since the collapse of the iron curtain. these countries are bulgaria, the baltic countries latvia, lithuania and estonia, poland, romania, the slovak republic, the czech republic, slovenia and hungary.

in addition turkey, cyprus and malta are trying for quite some time already to join the eu. these application are not to be accepted without any further deliberation because they do bring along some risks and the consequences are hard to distinguish therefore these countries are not very e_pected joining the european union in the near future and will therefore not be included in the following evaluation.

ii. risks and challenges

if we wants to evaluate the risks and challenges of an upcoming enlargement of the eu, we should first take into account e_periences gained during previous e_pansion which were to some e_tent comparable. here the southern e_pansion from 1986 should be mentioned where two economically pathetic countries sought admission to the then european community. the admission procedure of these two candidates, being spain and portugal, were lengthy and considered very problem bearing. especially the amount of produce that would add to the already e_isting agricultural over-production of the community was seen to be a problem since it would increase the load on the european budget.

but seen from a global economical perspective the joining of spain and portugal was overall positive for the ec and the two countries, although spain struggled with a further rise of unemployment and disparities within the community were further amplified.

the disparities within the union will most certainly increase when it comes to an eastern e_pansion, but the agricultural problem will not be an issue, because the candidates have not got their focus on agriculture, already because of their communist heritage which focused on industry rather than on agriculture or the tertiary sector.

in case of the approaching e_pansion towards eastern europe the union will have to resolve several problems, the most severe being without any doubt the financial one that will go along with the e_tension, estimated to be €5 - €6 billion annually, just for the technologically underdeveloped agriculture in the new member states.

the financial problem will also lead to a temporary discontent among the population of the e_isting members, since the financial load on the countries will cause budget cuts because the new members will undoubtedly belong to the payees rather than the payers. especially the mediterranean members, for instance italy, spain etc. fear cuts in their subsidies particularly the agricultural ones, and agriculture is already making up the biggest part of the eu′s budget.

of course it is also to be questioned whether with the joining of economically weak countries the economies of the "richer" members are not weakened.

what should be taken into consideration as well is the impact the joining will have on the population of the candidates, especially considering the rights they will gain when they are citizens of the european community. they do then have the right to settle and work anywhere within the community, this could lead to a large amount of people pouring into the old member countries trying to seek work there and make their living. and since most of the european countries are already struggling with high unemployment the high rates could be pushed up further and the discontent among the population could worsen, especially against the background of neo-nazis in germany and other countries such as britain or italy. off course this would only be a temporary problem, which would solve itself over time as the new members develop economically, but still this could prove to be a major issue.

of course their comes also a minor problem along with the e_pansion, this problem being even more languages than the twelve, already being used, in which eu communications would have to be carried out adding to the already huge administrative body of the european union and also causing further costs of the eu.

but because the e_pansion represents a political necessity one should also take into account the positive aspects caused by such a historic event. with the e_pansion the continent would take a huge step towards the ethnic integration within europe, different cultures would be facing each other and could also profit from each other. also the global competitiveness of the eu against the usa and asia would improve and another step towards global peace would be undertaken.

iii. changes in administration

it is obvious that an e_pansion potentially including ten countries would not be feasible without fundamental institutional reforms.

for instance with the e_isting structure of the union which allocates most of the power to the european council, where each member state has one vote, it would be imaginable that smaller members would have a majority over the larger members. e_cept for poland, which is by population comparable to spain and would consequently be a large member, all other candidates are relatively small in size an population.

another point is that with more than twenty members the decision finding and making process needs to be completely reconsidered, so it represents the actual size of the member countries in terms of population rather than giving each member a veto and especially one single vote. the e_isting voting and weighting system is also already making the decision finding process a painfully and lengthy one, another ten different opinions added to this would make it virtually impossible to come to an agreement that at least partially satisfies all members and is therefore being supported and not vetoed against.

a changed "legislature" would also keep the democratic thought that the entire eu is based on alive and not vanish it like the e_isting system.

what should also be pointed out is the fact that an increase in members could lead to new coalitions within the union and also increase competition among the individual countries. there are even critics that fear that an eastern e_pansion could lead to a shift in power towards the reunified germany, since the potential new members are already heavily bound and leaning towards germany.

what should also be considered is a change in european agricultural policy, which should actually be reformed already. the system of milk quotas, subsidies etc. which subsidises an over-production in many areas, just not to infuriate the farmers, because smaller farms would not be able to survive without the subsidies and the entire face of the european primary sector would change is completely outdated. this system could definitely no longer be kept up with even more farmers to support.

iv. successful without absorbing the new members?

it is obvious that this question needs to be answered with a clear no. the e_isting members of the eu are already being absorbed by it and they have all chosen this faith. the goals of the european union do state the loss of sovereignty in the areas of economic and currency politics, the latter one already realized, also in the political areas of social politics, education, research, consumer protection, health and also environmental issues. now one could argue how many of these goals need to be realized in order for the eu to be successful, from the british point of view for e_ample the cooperation in economic issues and the creation of the single market have already been enough, considering their opinion towards the maastricht treaty.

if one would see it from the british point of view the eu could be successful without absorbing the new members, but since most other countries would like to see the above mentioned goals implied and would like to realize the dream of de gaulle, adenauer and others of "the united states of europe", the new members would surrender a huge part of their sovereignty and consequently would be absorbed by the eu, especially considering that they will join in a couple of years at the earliest when european integration will hopefully have advanced beyond the point it is today.

another point one could consider is what would happen if the european integration would further advance up to the point of the united states of europe without any new countries joining. this would create another superpower alongside the usa and the then non-members would live in the shadow of the eu or whatever its name would be by that time and also be absorbed by the enormous power, in any terms, of their big neighbour just like the caribbean, canada and me_ico, even the entire americas are by the usa. so the conclusion drawn by this could be that the central and eastern european countries would be better off in any case if they joined the eu even if they had to surrender much of their sovereignty.

sources:

(1) http://www.europa.eu.int/ (march 17th, __)

(2) http://idw.tu-clausthal.de/public/zeige_pm.html?pmid=26445 (april 5th, __)

(3) informationen zur politischen bildung: europ?ische union (bpb, 1995)

(4) microsoft encarta 98

(5) mittel- und osteuropa auf dem weg in die europ?ische union (werner weidenfeld, verlag bertelsmann stiftung, 1996)

(6) http://www.e-politik.de/beitrag.cfm?beitrag_id=559 (april 1st, __)

risks and challenges of the eu e_pansion

l演講稿 模板8

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導(dǎo)讀：communication is wonderful,hello,everybody! it is my great honor to behere to share my idea with you.first,i’d like to ask all of you,"what do you think is the word that has really changed our world?"after my serious

演講稿：

communication is wonderful

hello, everybody! it is my great honor to be here to share my idea with you. first, i’d like to ask all of you, "what do you think is the word that has really changed our world ? "after my serious thinking, i draw a conclusion that it is the communication that has changed the world. the world is a world of communication. wherever and whenever we are, we communicate more or less everyday. and it has not only changed the animal world, but also changed human society.

in animal world, communication happens anytime and anywhere and, also, in different ways. for e_ample, ants use their feelers to tell the mates whether the place ahead is worth travelling. bees take the advantage of their dancing to show e_actly what they have found and where the food is. perhaps most surprising, even your pet dogs could wag their tails to e_press how happy they are. thanks to communication, animals are able to move without being lost , could find their food and survive in their world .

besides the great influence in animal world, communication also has changed human world and has pushed forward human civilization. we could trace back to the ancient time when our ancestor invented characters for communication . and than , language came . at that time, people could e_change their thoughts both by writing and speaking. in modern times , computer comes to our lives and communication takes place more conveniently and frequently. it is communication that makes people never feel lonely. it is by communication that we share significant information . and it is because of communication that people from different countries or in different races could be close friends and word peace become possible. if it not for communication, we couldn’t imagine what world we human beings live in .

ladies and gentlemen! because of the communication, the world of animal changes. the world of our human beings changes. where there is communication, there is change. without communication, we can never live until now; without communication, the world won’t bedeveloped; without communication, i even have no chance to stand here to communicate with you and to emphasize the importance of it. ladies and gentlemen! it is time we communicated, and it is high time for us to say "thank you" to communication!

l演講稿 模板9

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ted演講：泰迪熊作客jimmy kimmel脫口秀

導(dǎo)演塞思·麥克法蘭在20__年憑借一部搞笑喜劇電影《泰迪熊》大紅大紫，本周早些時候，他裝扮成泰迪熊的樣子，做客脫口秀節(jié)目《吉米·坎摩爾秀》接受專訪。

the star of ted - the top-grossing r-rated comedy of all time - made a brief appearance on kimmel"s late-night chatshow on tuesday to promote the film"s dvd and blu-ray release.

今年上映的電影《泰迪熊》是史上的限制級喜劇電影票房冠軍。為了宣傳電影的dvd和藍(lán)光碟發(fā)布，身兼導(dǎo)演和電影中泰迪熊配音的麥克法蘭出現(xiàn)在了周二晚的吉米深夜脫口秀節(jié)目上。

ted revealed that his new-found fame has been tough since the film came out, saying: "i was being mobbed, i had to run into a build-a-bear just to blend in."

泰迪熊在節(jié)目中講述了自己在電影成功后感受到的成名的負(fù)擔(dān)，他說道："我出門就被人圍住了，不得不跑到‘造熊游樂園’里躲起來"。

ted演講：泰迪熊作客jimmy kimmel脫口秀

when asked what he has in the pipeline, he said: "they offered me peter dinklage"s part on game of thrones, but i turned it down. they have dragons there and i"m highly flammable."

在被問到目前正在進(jìn)行中的事業(yè)，泰迪熊表示："《權(quán)力的游戲》劇組來找過我，讓我演彼特·丁拉基扮演的小惡魔角色，不過我拒絕啦。那劇里有火龍，我可是沾火就著的。"

he also spoke about a possible sequel, saying: "we"re basically going to do the same movie, but in thailand, like the hangover."

當(dāng)主持人問到會不會再拍一個續(xù)集《泰迪熊2》的時候，他回答到："我們打算拍一個基本一樣的電影，不過打算在泰國拍，就像電影《宿醉》一樣。"

l演講稿 模板10

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four seasons i love you的演講稿

a year has four seasons. they are spring, summer, fall and winter. they are so different.

spring is warm and colorful. i can see many green threes and red flowers. some butterfly fly in them. the sun is shining, we can play in the park.

summer is very hot. the girls wear beautiful dress. the boys often go swimming in the pool. i can eat ice cream. it is delicious!

fall is a golden season. the weather is cool. there are a lot of fruits and i like them.

the last season is winter. it’s cold. in beijing sometimes it snows. i can play snow and make snowman. it’s a funny time!

oh! four seasons are all beautiful. you are so nice, i love you!

l演講稿 模板11

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judas ladygaga演講稿

1. the story of judas begins on a freeway.a racing party jumps into our sight.

2. magdelene is sitting in the lead of the motorcyclsthe driver is jesus.magelene is lookingback.

3. .this is judas.

4. everyone knows it is dangerous to look back when racing .but why does magdelene do that

5. when judas’motorcycle runs in front of jesus’.madelene and judas look at each other.judas,jesus,and magdelene have unusual relationship.

6. this is john。he is one of the follower of jesus.but he is only a walk pass.

7. .magdelene laughs happily,so magdelene loves jesus very much.

8. the man on the right is jesus.

9. the group of people come to the base.because being the girlfriend of jesus,magelene is e_pected. t he group of people begin to dance together.

10. jesus is worried.

11. but judas is very happy now.he is kissing another woman.so he is philandering.perheps he doesn’t love magdelene at all.

12. judas is scornful but jesus is cowardly.

13. judas betrayes jesus.

14. jesus also wants to fight。but magdelene doesn’t want him to do so。because shi doesn’t want to see two man who she loves fights with each other.

15. judas failes.

16. in all shouting let jesus kill judas,magelene says she will kill him by herself.

17. magdelene is very disappointed because she loves the both two men.but she can only choose one of the two.

18. magdelene will kill judas but she doesn’t dare to look at his eyes.

19. magdelene is angry and disappointed.she wants to look at the man she loved deeply the last time and then end up his life.

20. when she looks at his eyes,there is less anger,the more is disappointed.there is a lipstick out of the gun..the lipstick means her love.

21. it means magdelene wants to kiss him but not to kill him.

22. but magdelene gives up.she loves a man she can’t love.

23. this is what magdelene thinks now.she wants the love sea to submerg her.

24. she falls down now.

25. magdelene is washing feet for jesus and she wants to get his forgiveness。

26. two brothers make peace.

27. jesus and magdelene are out of their senses.they want to compromise the people they love.

28. magdelene is very sad now.she wants to die instead of judas.

29. magdelene is making a decision.she must choose one of the two men..

30. at last,magdelene chooses jesus.she wants to face everything with him.

31. but every one is angry with magdelene.

32. at last,magdelene has to accept the stoning.

33. she dies.

l演講稿 模板12

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尊敬的各位老師，同學(xué)們，大家下午好

我很榮幸能夠成為數(shù)學(xué)club的創(chuàng)建者，也非常高興能夠有這么多的老師給予數(shù)學(xué)club這么多的重視，我真心的感謝關(guān)心數(shù)學(xué)club的各位老師以及各位同學(xué)。

時間飛逝，轉(zhuǎn)眼間一年的時間過去了，數(shù)學(xué)club也伴隨著我們走過了一年的光陰，回想當(dāng)時，是李老師向我提出要建設(shè)數(shù)學(xué)社團(tuán)，在這里真心的感謝李老師對我的信任。

今天，各位老師能夠在百忙之中參加我們的社團(tuán)換屆會議，我在此表示衷心的感謝。

在建設(shè)社團(tuán)的過程中，有人為了幫助我而加入到社團(tuán)之中協(xié)助我管理社團(tuán)，在這里對張皎、鄭子璇兩位同學(xué)的幫助表示衷心的感謝，讓我能夠在每一次要退縮的時候給予我真心的開導(dǎo)，讓我能夠堅持到現(xiàn)在。尤其是鄭子璇在外面拉贊助受到委屈后，還要因為我管理的無能使她的任務(wù)加重，當(dāng)她在電話中向我哭訴后卻又勸我不要多想。在此真的感謝那些因為我而付出的各位。

在建設(shè)社團(tuán)的過程中，我鬧過許多情緒，許多人都能夠原諒我的幼稚，在此感謝各位在各方面對我的諒解。

在建設(shè)社團(tuán)的過程中，由于我的失職沒能讓社團(tuán)立即進(jìn)入讓人滿意的狀態(tài)，但是還是有那么多的人支持著我支持著社團(tuán)的發(fā)展，對社團(tuán)充滿希望，在此真心感謝各位對我以及對數(shù)學(xué)club的支持。

社團(tuán)得到了這么多人的支持，我也在盡力的去做我所能夠做的事情，在這一年中，我充分的利用了現(xiàn)有的資源，如在學(xué)院的30論壇上開辟了一個數(shù)學(xué)club版塊，使全院學(xué)生能夠與我們進(jìn)行學(xué)習(xí)資料上的共享，另外，建立了一個數(shù)學(xué)club對外服務(wù)的qq群，為學(xué)院學(xué)生提供一些力所能及的服務(wù)。為了擴(kuò)大我們的服務(wù)范圍，我們將第七屆"沖之杯"數(shù)學(xué)競賽獲獎選手全部加入到一個qq群中，在那里分享我所整理的數(shù)學(xué)競賽資料，也算是為獲獎的同學(xué)們提供一個相互溝通、交流的平臺，希望那些學(xué)院數(shù)學(xué)競賽獲獎選手能夠在近日的大連市高等數(shù)學(xué)競賽中獲得更好的成績，為學(xué)院爭得更多的榮譽(yù)。

在建設(shè)社團(tuán)的過程中，我發(fā)現(xiàn)了許多不足之處。

首先，沒有充分考慮到各個部門的心理狀態(tài)，因為我一直都沒有找到一個切實可行的方法給予各個部門相應(yīng)的吸引力，通過我和新一屆社長的分析，我們已經(jīng)將下一年的計劃大局打好，我相信下屆的數(shù)學(xué)club的凝聚力至少是現(xiàn)在的三四倍。

其次，沒有真正的深入的了解到學(xué)生們的內(nèi)心的學(xué)習(xí)熱情，上學(xué)期的對外講課答疑活動就說明了許多，因此我想到了至關(guān)重要的一點，那就是許多學(xué)生在剛剛進(jìn)入大學(xué)校園的時候都對學(xué)習(xí)充滿了滿腔熱血的激情，都希望自己能夠在大學(xué)的校園里努力取得一個驕人的成績，但是隨著時間的推移對學(xué)院學(xué)習(xí)狀況的了解再加上身處環(huán)境之間的影響，許多人都慢慢的降低了自己的學(xué)習(xí)熱情，而現(xiàn)在我想到的是我們就要在那些剛剛?cè)雽W(xué)的新生們中間找到一個力量的突破口，那就是我建議并且得到了諸多老師及下屆社長同意的趣味數(shù)學(xué)競賽，并在剛剛開學(xué)的時候就開展一系列的宣傳并且以院級的活動舉行吸引大家參與到這個活動中來，進(jìn)而對數(shù)學(xué)這門學(xué)科充滿一個比較長期的激情。

以上種種不足或多或少會抑制到社團(tuán)的快速發(fā)展，希望各位能夠給予諒解，另外雖然我已經(jīng)退出社團(tuán)，但是我早已經(jīng)將自己與社團(tuán)溶為一體，無論我是否在社團(tuán)，我也非常愿意為社團(tuán)奉獻(xiàn)出自己的一份力量，另外在這次暑假我也會處理好我應(yīng)該做完的工作，在這里我對自己這次暑假的關(guān)于數(shù)學(xué)club的任務(wù)有如下幾點安排：

第一， 我將整理數(shù)學(xué)club發(fā)展手冊電子版，也許各位會為之感覺出奇，但是我認(rèn)為我很有必要制作這個電子版手冊，因為我感覺到我這一年的工作中對數(shù)學(xué)club的建設(shè)有了太多的了解和經(jīng)驗，希望這個發(fā)展手冊的存在，數(shù)學(xué)club以后的運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)能更好，我也真心希望這能夠成為我們數(shù)學(xué)club發(fā)展的一個傳統(tǒng)，我們把各自的經(jīng)驗記錄在這里，讓以后的管理者更有經(jīng)驗之談。

第二， 數(shù)學(xué)精品課網(wǎng)站的后期整理。因為數(shù)學(xué)網(wǎng)站的工作整體布局都是我在整理，我也對網(wǎng)站的一些關(guān)鍵點的建設(shè)有自己的想法并已經(jīng)突破了一些技術(shù)上的難題，我會盡力讓大家滿意，但是也為了網(wǎng)站在后期能夠更好的發(fā)展，我也會對網(wǎng)站的一些文件的管理形成一個比較系統(tǒng)的說明文檔。

第三， 數(shù)學(xué)公式編輯器的教程修改制作編輯。數(shù)學(xué)公式編輯器是數(shù)學(xué)方面比較常用的一個軟件，說實話我一直都在寫這個教程，現(xiàn)在我已經(jīng)初步寫了二十來頁只是沒有再次公開而已，在這次假期中我會將此編輯的更加詳細(xì)以便更多的人能夠很好的運(yùn)用，我也會將我以往所寫的一些錯誤給予修改，說實話給予我印象最深的就是導(dǎo)數(shù)的那個撇，我不希望我的錯誤導(dǎo)致別人寫出來影響其美觀效果但是我希望我的教程的出現(xiàn)能夠給予許多人方便，同時數(shù)學(xué)公式編輯器也是學(xué)術(shù)部必備的一個軟件，也是讓學(xué)術(shù)部的那些需要的人能夠更容易的上手。

第四， 數(shù)學(xué)te_語句的編輯語法知識。在弄數(shù)學(xué)精品課網(wǎng)站的時候，我產(chǎn)生了一個想法，那就是我能不能在網(wǎng)頁上直接顯示公式內(nèi)容而不必用圖片或者pdf文件代替，通過我對資料的查找，我真的找到了一個辦法，那就是使用te_語言，我會在這個假期整理網(wǎng)站的時候?qū)e_一些常用知識寫成一個對應(yīng)表，以便以后的人能夠?qū)ζ溥M(jìn)行更好更方便的運(yùn)用。

第五， __年學(xué)院組織培訓(xùn)筆記形成電子版。記得在去年的這個時候，我將學(xué)院組織"沖之杯"數(shù)學(xué)競賽獲獎同學(xué)培訓(xùn)老師所講的內(nèi)容形成電子版筆記并發(fā)給一部分同學(xué)，盡自己的力量為大家提供幫助，因為女生心細(xì)的特點，在這次培訓(xùn)中魏鳴做了全程紙張版筆記，我會在暑假的時候?qū)⑵湔沓呻娮影娌⑻峁┙o社團(tuán)以便在以后為__級新生提供更好的服務(wù)，另外我希望我們社團(tuán)每一年都能夠進(jìn)行相關(guān)的整理，按照我的設(shè)想也許不久的將來我們數(shù)學(xué)club就可以制作出一個針對數(shù)學(xué)競賽的電子書籍。

說完自己的工作設(shè)想，我還是想為社團(tuán)提出幾點希望.

第一，希望社團(tuán)能夠協(xié)助老師做些力所能及的事務(wù)

第二，希望社團(tuán)能夠更好的激勵社團(tuán)學(xué)生，讓社團(tuán)對部員更具有吸引力

第三，希望社團(tuán)能夠盡力提升學(xué)院中主要是計算機(jī)系、信管系、嵌入式系對數(shù)學(xué)學(xué)習(xí)的熱情

第四，希望社團(tuán)能夠為喜歡數(shù)學(xué)或想提高數(shù)學(xué)成績的同學(xué)提供很好的平臺

盡管我已經(jīng)離開社團(tuán)，但是仍然希望社團(tuán)成員能夠把我乃至我們當(dāng)成社團(tuán)的家人一樣，衷心的希望數(shù)學(xué)club能夠建設(shè)的更好達(dá)到建設(shè)社團(tuán)的目的，在這里再次感謝各位對我以及對社團(tuán)的支持，謝謝大家。

l演講稿 模板13

閱讀小貼士：模板13共計613個字，預(yù)計閱讀時長2分鐘。朗讀需要4分鐘，中速朗讀5分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場合朗讀需要6分鐘，有136位用戶喜歡。

i love my home （family）演講稿

i love my home .there are eleven people in my family. all of us are happy every day.

i have a big family and a small family. the small family is me and my mother, also my dear father in heaven. the big family contains my maternal grandparents, my aunt, my uncle and my cousin. when we don’t（didn’t） have our own house, they let us live with them. and all of them took good care of us.

my mother is beautiful and kind, and she is a staff at a very big company. she can write very well. she is very strict on （with） me, but she loves me very much. she tells me that she loves me every day.

my father is very intelligent; he is an e_pert in his signory. he loves me very much .although he passed away of illness, i still fell （feel） that he and his love accompanies （will accompany） with me and my mother everyday.

my maternal grandmother was a teacher before she retired. she is very amiable. my maternal grandfather is very healthy----he can walk very fast, just like a young man. he accompanies me to the school until i was grade 4.

my aunt is very beautiful, my uncle is very e_cellent. he is a software e_pert. they have a little baby called dangdang. he is three years old. he is very naughty and clever. sometimes he can make you very angry, and sometimes he can make you laugh.

and recently, we moved into our new home in october 1st. i am very glad to have my own room. and, i have a tv in my own room and i like the ics channel it. in the past four years, we lived with them happily. every week we get together to have a big meal and play with each other.

all in all, having a united big family is the happiest thing in my life. they are also the greatest wealth of me. i love my family and my home forever!

《i?love?my?home?（family）演講稿》出自：酷貓寫作范文網(wǎng)

l演講稿 模板14

閱讀小貼士：模板14共計289個字，預(yù)計閱讀時長1分鐘。朗讀需要2分鐘，中速朗讀2分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場合朗讀需要3分鐘，有245位用戶喜歡。

300字英語演講稿范文：my school dag

i"m jim.i"m 13 years old and i study in no.1 middle school.my school is very beautiful.every morning i get up at seven and have breakfast.and then i go to school at half past seven.lessons begin at eight o" clock. we have four lessons in the morning and chinese is my favourite lesson.we usually have 10 minute"s break between two lessons and at about 12 o"ciock we finish our morning lessons.i have lunch at school at twelve thirty.i like schooi lunch and i always have rice with meat and vegetables.after lunch i often talk with my friends or play basketball with them.in the afternoon lessons start at half past one and finish at four o"ciock.i play games after school with my friends and then go home at half past four.in the evening i do my homework and then watch tv.at ten o"

l演講稿 模板15

閱讀小貼士：模板15共計1394個字，預(yù)計閱讀時長4分鐘。朗讀需要7分鐘，中速朗讀10分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場合朗讀需要13分鐘，有140位用戶喜歡。

演講稿：i don"t like you,

亮叔

i don’t like you.

i was a good boy.

but it changed after i met a girl.

i was told that, if you want to win a girl’s heart.

you must destroy the heart of the boy she liked.

contest chair, my fellow girls,

my boy is _iaoming, a real bad boy who enjoys smoking.

he smoked 1 cigarette every day, i smoked 2.

he smoked in the toilet, i smoked in the classroom

finally, she was attracted by me, it’s not a girl but a lady.

it is my teacher.

i stood like a soldier in her office for a whole day.

after going out the office, i saw the girl.

she looked at my eyes, and said, you are just like my smoker father.

i don’t like you.

in the following years, i became a badboy, i always cater to girl’s pleasure, regards them as my treasure, but theynever say to me: sure.

girls refused me again and again. they always said, i don’t like you.

my friends, what would you do when you are refused by the girls you loved?

i got a good idea to prevent this heart-breaking thing happen again.

that is,

just give up. who said a boy must need a girlfriend?

when i was focused on others but not girls, i found the life, is very boring.

so i got an internship in a famous chemical engineering company after graduation.

leon is the manager, he looks like a panda, but this panda is not cute.

after 2 months internship, i did a presentation to win the chance to be a formal employee.

i was for sure to get it. my material is very good, my delivering is very good, even my looks is also very good. however,

the panda didn’t think so, he sat in front of me, looked at my eyes, he said,

no data, no facts, no conclusion, murk, your presentation, is kind of grandstand, i don‘t like you.

you see, i was refused by my dream company. it is the first one, then i was turned down by the second one, third one.

i felt lost, from then on; i never go to see panda even i am living in chengdu.

my dear friends,

do you have the same problem? do you hear the same voice from others?

they said, i don’tlike you. when you are refused, you may feel lost, it’s difficult to build up the confidence again.

this time, i haveno choice, i just gave up.

because i need a job immediately, and then i got a job.

this company is not my dream, but it is special. there is a special club in the company.

after paying the membership fee, the club didn’t refuse me.

in my icebreaking speech, i told the story about the girls, about the panda, about the people who always refused me.

steven, a tough individual evaluator. he didn’t say idon’t like you because it’s one of the 5 taboos in a toastmaster meeting, but he refused my cc1 directly without any mercy.

he asked me, why are you focusing on others but not yourself when they say i don’t like you.

i was shocked by this question and couldn’t answer in that time.

i think over and over, something need to be changed， this is my life changing moment.

i quit smoking, and advise my father to quit smoking too.

i went to see real panda; it is really cute like leo.

i began to study toastmaster seriously to find the answer of that question.

oh, i got it,

when i wasre fused by girls, by the dream companies, even by evaluators, actually nobody refused me but myself, i refused myself to be a good boy, refused myself to bea good employee, refused myself to be a good toastmaster.

my friends, have you ever doubt yourself when somebody say i don’t like you? i have. even if we try to deny it as much as possible,but sometimes we are the person who reminds us to give up, we are the person whore fused ourselves to be a better man.

this time, i didn’t give up, i didn’t refuse myself anymore, i accept and open myself. i delivered my cc1 again, up to cc10. i discovered i could speak, i love speaking. the storytelling talent is inside of me, it made me to win the heart of a girl, it mademe to become a trainer in my company， it made me to stand here as a real toastmaster.

my dear friends, nobody but yourself is a barrier for your success, nobody but yourself can refuse you, let us stride the barrier, letus accept and open ourselves, let us become a better yourself.

and then, someday, someone will look at your eyes and say something to you,

i like you.

l演講稿 模板16

閱讀小貼士：模板16共計355個字，預(yù)計閱讀時長1分鐘。朗讀需要2分鐘，中速朗讀3分鐘，在莊重嚴(yán)肅場合朗讀需要4分鐘，有117位用戶喜歡。

300字英語演講稿范文：follow the fashion

nowadays more and more young people prefer to follow the fashion. the word "fashion" is generally used to mean style in clothing. they make people handsome and cool. also, fashion can be something strange. from that we can be different from others. but all of these can change from time to time. and valuable personal qualities and characters never change. so i think they are the true fashions.

helpful and warm-hearted is a kind of fashion because not everyone can be like that. if you are not willing to help others, it is difficult for you to get along well with others. if you can always have a lot of friends, you are fashionable.

love is always important in the world. many people around the world need care and love. if you can show you love to the people in need, you are fashionable.

to protect the environment is fashion. if you don"t use the plastic bags and do something to protect our earth, you are fashionable.

so let"s form good personal qualities. let"s follow the fashion.